The story of the “Grand Return” takes place during the Cultural Revolution. In Zhang Yimou’s film, Lu, a professor jailed for political reasons, returns home years later to find his wife suffering from amnesia. She doesn’t recognize him and remains in hope for her husband’s return, prompting Lu to help her regain her memories.
Zhang Yimou is referenced here because Alexis Tsipras has openly praised Chairman Mao. Additionally, Tsipras’s effort to reclaim his political prominence may parallel Professor Lu’s quest.
Within SYRIZA, and among the New Left, Kasselakis, Zoe (Konstantopoulou), and Varoufakis, Alexis is not forgotten—yet many wish he would remain in the shadows, as Konstantopoulou once noted regarding his “burrow.”
Regardless, the former Prime Minister seems resolute in his pursuit to reemerge, eager that his past allies remember him and bow to his leadership of a new party. He hopes to attract not only his former comrades but also voters from PASOK, despite polls indicating that most citizens prefer he does not return. Nevertheless, today’s disinterest does not necessarily predict tomorrow’s sentiments.
Public opinion fluctuates like the tides, just as political fortunes do. One day, one might feel like Onassis, the next like Thanasis; and a comeback from Thanasis to Onassis is notably rare. The only modern Greek figure to achieve such a revival was Andreas Papandreou—due to complexities beyond this analysis, but certainly connected to Konstantinos Mitsotakis and the “dirty ‘89.”
Kyriakos and Alexis
In today’s political arena, rife with imperfections, we lack a “dirty ‘89.” We do have a Mitsotakis, but his name is Kyriakos, not Konstantinos. Ironically, Kyriakos has emerged as Alexis Tsipras’s political adversary. He has defeated Alexis in two national and two European elections. Allegedly, he even hopes for Alexis’s return, believing that a comeback would reignite anti-SYRIZA sentiments, securing yet another victory for himself.
A senior government official remarked, “A Tsipras return would be Kyriakos’s greatest gift, making him the first post-junta Prime Minister to secure three consecutive terms.” This mention of “terms” is vital since Kyriakos’s late father also won three times during the “dirty ‘89” period, only managing to form a government once, with borrowed support, and serving a mere three years.
Tsipras is well aware of these political dynamics. However, as a close associate noted, “Knowing what’s right and not acting on it is the ultimate cowardice.”
It remains uncertain whether he will act before or after the elections—possibly even to Tsipras himself. His rebranding efforts are progressing, yet still require dedication and time. Nonetheless, he is preparing “for all scenarios,” according to a reliable insider, typical behavior for any aspiring political leader.
The Institute
In ten days, Tsipras will “strike again” through his Institute. On June 10, the day after Pentecost and just prior to SYRIZA’s conference at the Athens Concert Hall, he will launch a bid for the center-left with notable figures: American Senator Bernie Sanders (via video), Ines Schwerdtner (co-chair of Germany’s Die Linke), former Italian PM Enrico Letta, François Ruffin (co-founder of France’s New Popular Front), Democratic Party of Italy secretary Elly Schlein, and Spain’s Yolanda Díaz (Deputy PM and Minister of Labor).
This lineup indicates Tsipras’s intent to remain within the Left rather than shift to the Center, although with a tone of left-wing social democracy. “He aims,” aides claim, “to attract the Center from a left-leaning stance.” Whether this strategy proves successful is yet to be determined.
This endeavor faces hurdles, as political sentiments across Greece and Europe lean significantly right in these uncertain, Trump-era times. Furthermore, significant figures within SYRIZA are uneasy about Tsipras’s possible return, including Pavlos Polakis and Nikos Pappas, both purportedly at odds with him, along with the party’s current leadership.
For instance, Sokratis Famellos will miss the Institute’s event—not necessarily due to opposition (though he likely harbors it)—but because he will be in Brussels. Alexis Haritsis, leader of New Left, is also uncertain about attending. George Papandreou, who spoke at a prior Institute event, will not participate this time.
If Bernie Sanders were attending in person, it is likely many center-left MPs and officials would make an appearance, eager to engage with the distinguished U.S. senator representing the Democratic Party’s left wing.
SYRIZA and New Left
Regarding Famellos and Haritsis—SYRIZA and New Left could not reach a consensus on a unified stance concerning the Tempi train crash pre-investigation committee, largely due to Kyriakos Mitsotakis’s influence. The central disagreement involved whether the Prime Minister should face trial alongside Kostas Karamanlis (of Achilleas).
The New Left political bureau preferred not to transform Mitsotakis “from perpetrator to victim,” while SYRIZA’s majority resisted excluding him from accountability. Some contend SYRIZA’s perspective reflects pressure from Konstantopoulou, Koutsoumbas (KKE), and Kasselakis (KIDIS), all favoring a referral for the Prime Minister.
The possibility of SYRIZA’s 26 MPs collaborating with Kasselakis’s 6 to initiate a pre-investigation committee concerning Mitsotakis creates unease within SYRIZA’s headquarters. Some have even labeled Kasselakis’s suggestion for a joint proposal with KIDIS an “invitation to wrongdoing,” especially given Stefanos’s undemocratic removal from SYRIZA. This “wrongdoing” would weigh heavier—possibly even unforgivable—if Zoe Konstantopoulou’s party aligned with them, following her ongoing critiques of Tsipras.
Yet, Tsipras and Alekos Flambouraris reportedly share the sentiment expressed by Konstantinos Karamanlis when Mitsotakis tried to prosecute Andreas Papandreou: “A prime minister is dismissed by the people, not the courts.” Within SYRIZA’s political bureau, Flambouraris, Stefanos Tzoumakas, Dionysis Temponeras, Giorgos Vasiliadis, and Christos Spirtzis (who is engaged in the Tempi case) opposed referring Mitsotakis, while Olga Gerovasili resisted any collaboration with Kasselakis or Konstantopoulou’s faction.
Convergence and Louka
The divide between Famellos and Haritsis concerning the Mitsotakis referral is not expected to jeopardize SYRIZA’s relationship with the New Left. Although new challenges are surfacing in the quest for strategic—and electorally favorable—unity between the two parties, both Haritsis and Famellos wish to maintain open communication.
Notably, the two met late Thursday evening, with Alexis informing Socrates about the New Left’s stance regarding Mitsotakis, and Socrates updating Alexis on discussions slated for SYRIZA’s Political Secretariat and Parliamentary Group the next day.
Beyond the complications posed by Tsipras’s perceived return and the rift over Mitsotakis, both parties share skepticism regarding Louka Katseli’s initiative for a joint ballot among progressive opposition parties this fall.
According to sources, the “joint center-left ballot” proposal will commence on Monday, June 2, during an event focused on the future of the center-left in Patras, coordinated by Marinos Skandamis, secretary of PASOK’s Citizen Protection Department. Speakers will include Effie Achtsioglou (New Left), Haris Kastanidis (PASOK), Kostas Arvanitis (SYRIZA), Petros Kokkalis (leader of the Kosmos party), and Louka Katseli.
In the ensuing period, a Declaration will be made public, reportedly endorsed by prominent center-left figures such as Fotis Kouvelis and Antonis Roupakiotis. Over the coming summer and afterward, the goal is to establish Initiative Groups nationwide through local events, advocating for a “joint ballot.” Already, a pro-”new progressive political subject” document has garnered signatures from around 150 members in Thessaloniki.
However, such an initiative is unlikely to succeed if led by individual actors instead of mass organizations, significant social factions, political parties, and collectives. The prevailing issue is that one cannot revive a world that has already been dismantled. Unfortunately, the landscape of the governing Left has been severely impaired—largely due to those now claiming to wish for its restoration.
Moreover, the worst situation is not merely perceiving reality as dreary but failing to acknowledge it altogether. Regrettably, some simply do not recognize it, opting instead to describe it as “bleak” while donning dark glasses for years. Even while claiming to possess vast knowledge and novel ideas for the evolving world, their political and programmatic output barely fills a teacup.
Ultimately, the saying goes that in June, they set aside the sickle to sow radishes. We must wait and observe what “radishes” Tsipras, Famellos, Charitsis, and Androulakis will plant. In any case, recent polls from MRB and Pulse indicate that Mitsotakis won’t be “cut down” with sickles; they will require a different approach.
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